Bireyleşim, varlıkları bireysel kılan ve onların diğer bireylerden ayrımını sağlayan ilkenin ne olduğunu sorun eder. Birey, güncel bir kavram olmasına rağmen orta çağ filozoflarından bu yana bireysel varlıkların bireyliği anlamında kullanılmış olup bireyleşim, özdeşlik sorunu ile iç içe tartışılmıştır. Bu makalede Aristoteles’in bireyleşim sorununa yaklaşımını incelerken öncellikle genel kabul gören madde teorisini tartışacağız. Maddenin bireyleşim ilkesi olarak savunulması, onun bölünebilirliği ya da özdeşliği ile açıklanabilir. Fakat bölünebilirliğin kendisi bireyleşimi olanaksız kılıyor ve Aristotes’in fikirleri ile çelişki gösteriyor. Maddenin özdeşliği, kendisi yeterince (...) açık olmadığı için bir içeriğe ihtiyaç duyuyor; burada Leibniz’in ayırt edilemezlerin özdeşliği ilkesini tartışmaya dahil ederek bu içeriği maddenin paylaşılamazlığı olarak belirleyeceğiz. Fakat Theseus gemisi örneği üzerinden işaret edeceğimiz oluş sorunu ile karşılaşmaktayız. Diğer taraftan Aristoteles’in bireyleşim ilkesini form olarak görmek, bireysel formları savunmak anlamına geliyor; bireysel formlardan ne kastedildiği açık olmadığı için burada ilinekler üzerinden bireyleşimi sunacağız. Fakat Leibniz ve Aristoteles bu konuda uzlaşması olanaksız görünür ve Aristoteles için ilineklerle bireyleşim kabul edilemez; töze ilişkin olmayan ilineklerle bireyleşim, şeylerin doğası itibariyle bireysel olmadığı anlamına gelir. Ardından konum ile bireyleşim fikrini Aristoteles üzerinden işaret ederek konum anlamında maddenin bireyleşim ilkesi olduğunu savunacağız. Son olarak konum ile bireyleşmenin saltık uzayı gerektirdiğini belirteceğiz ve Leibniz’in ayırt edilemezlerin özdeşliğinin mantıksal olarak geçersiz kılan Black’ın düşünce deneyine değineceğiz. (shrink)

What are the social dynamics behind the rise and resilience of today’s authoritarian regimes? This paper seeks to answer this question by focusing on the longest lasting elected autocracy of our era, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) regime in Turkey. Building on the authoritarian neoliberalism literature’s criticism of the scholarship on competitive authoritarianism, I point out the seeds of authoritarianism in the pro-market reforms of the 1980s–2000s. However, both literatures fail to address the popular embrace of authoritarianism. In critical (...) engagement with analyses of fascism, I develop the concept ‘democratic autocracy’: a parliamentarised, individualised, personalistic, and relatively more market-oriented, twenty-first century version of fascism. The democratic autocracy in Turkey organises and mobilises the people through parties, youth and aid associations, paramilitary organisations, and unions. However, both unresolved economic crises and democratic autocracy’s sociopolitical dynamics set limits to its resilience, as well as to the sustainability of its parliamentarism. (shrink)

Hans Belting, _Florence and Baghdad: Renaissance Art and Arab Science_, trans. Deborah Lucas Schneider (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), 303 pp.

The idea and practice of art, which started to change in the modern period, continued its metamorphosis in the post-modern period. Contemporary art, which was handled by many philosophers and thinkers, was called trans-aesthetic by Jean Baudrillard. According to Baudrillard, art has lost its meaning by penetrating every aspect of life in the post-modern age. In other words, art has become the transfer of images that mean nothing by becoming trans-aesthetic. At this stage, no object can be said to be (...) beautiful or ugly. (shrink)

What lies behind the amalgam of liberalism, elitism, anti-capitalism, and fascistic elements in today’s street politics? This essay analyzes this mixture in light of the shifting class locations of middle strata. Intensified business dominance has not only proletarianized some middle strata but has led to a dry life for even the privileged ones. Middle classes are now taking to the streets to reclaim their specialness. Their exact agendas might not be identical throughout the globe, but a kindred spirit of creativity (...) and aestheticized occupation unites disparate geographies of revolt. Liberal and radical analyses of the wave of revolt miss its most significant characteristics, which only a re-theorization of the new petty bourgeoisie can capture. The essay outlines a research agenda that would explore the multiple dimensions of middle-class formation, as well as the post-capitalist trajectories that might result from further politicization. (shrink)

The first examples of the novel genre in modern Arabic literature emer-ged with the innovation movements initiated in this country after Napoleon's invasion of Egypt. In terms of technique and fiction, the Arab novel's reaching the desired standards and the first novel examples in the literary sense were made possible by the contributions of many writers who came to the fore with their different identities from writing novels. One of these writers, better known as a critic, is Ibrāhīm ʽAbd al-Qādir (...) al-Māzinī. Māzinī, who has written works in many fields of literature, is a master writer who has mostly written psychological novels. The aim of this study is to examine the themes that Māzinī, one of the important names of Arabic literature, included in his novels. In our study, Māzinī's novels Ibrāhīm al-Kātib, Ibrāhīm al-Thānī and Thalāthat Rigâl wa’mra’ah were examined and in these novels, mainly love, affection, pressure of tradition, despair, pessimism, disappointment, sadness, fear, delusion, jealousy and stinginess were examined. It has been determined that themes such as While many different themes were seen in the novels of many writers of his time, it is seen that the themes in Māzinī's novels are mostly psychological themes that reflect the inner world of man. In this respect, Māzinī differs from many other Arab novelists. (shrink)

Based on a series of interviews with blue-collar women and their husbands in Istanbul, Turkey, this article examines the negotiation of family work in households in which the wives are major providers. The relationships between provider status, women's expectations, and the actual configuration of family work are complexly mediated by cultural constructions, perception of women as providers, marital dynamics, and extended family relationships. Three different discourses characterize family work. Woman's evaluation of her husband as “responsible” or “irresponsible” informs the construction (...) of the male role in the household. Conflict is heightened when men default on both domestic and economic grounds. This study makes a contribution toward a comparative understanding of negotiation of family work by providing an analysis of how structural conditions and cultural ideology interact to construct a gendered division of family work in the household in the context of continuities and discontinuities in sociocultural patterns. (shrink)

Pride expressions draw attention to one’s achievement, and therefore can enhance one’s status. However, such attention has been linked to negative interpersonal consequences (i.e. envy). Fortunately, people have been found to regulate their pride expressions accordingly. Specifically, pride expressions are lower when the domain of the achievement is of high relevance to observers. We set out to replicate this effect in a non-Western sample. Additionally, we extended the current finding by investigating the moderating role of self-monitoring, an individual’s ability and (...) willingness to adjust their behaviours under different social contexts to cultivate status. This allows us to explore the previously assumed underlying status motive in regulating pride expressions. Data from two preregistered studies (N1 = 913; N2 = 1081) replicated the effect that pride expressions are inhibited when the achievement domain is relevant. A significant main effect of self-monitoring was found, such that high self-monitors express more pride than low self-monitors, consistent with the conceptualisation of self-monitoring as rooted within a status-enhancement motive. The assumed interaction effect between domain relevance and self-monitoring was not significant. Our findings suggest that the effect of domain relevance on pride expression is robust and status driven. (shrink)

Zamanda özdeşlik problemi felsefe tarihinin en önemli ve temel problemlerinden birisidir. Fakat bu özdeşlik problemi sadece fiziksel nesnelerde değil, bilincin özdeşliğinde de kendisini gösterir. Bilincin özdeşliği problemi onun salt bir tanımlama mı yoksa kendi içinde bir varlık olarak ontolojik bir statüsü olup olmadığı mı sorusuyla ilgilidir. Bu makalede demet teorisi gibi önde gelen bilinç teorilerinin bilincin geçişi veya bölünmüş zihin gibi temel problemlerin çözümünün açıklanmasında yetersiz olduklarını zaman felsefesinin bir kuramı olan dört-boyutçuluğun özdeşliğin geçişi konusundaki çözümlere yönelik yaklaşımını uyarlayarak savunacağım. (...) Bu amaçla Theseus’un gemisi ve Chisholm’un kahve kupası gibi felsefenin bilinen örneklerini verecek ve aynı örnekleri bilincin geçişine uygulayacağım. Bu örneklerden hareket ederek, B-serisi yargılamalarıyla (özellikle Ezelicilikle) ışınlanma paradoksunun çözümünü öne süreceğim. Bilinç benzeri nesnelerden kastın, bilincin var olmasını sağlayan bir zamansal ilişki mi yoksa bu ilişkilerden soyut bir ontolojik statü mü olduğu sorununa da değineceğim. Eğer bilinç ve nesneler arasındaki bu ilişki ortaya konulursa Parfit ve diğer filozofların ortaya koyduğu benzeri sorunların çözülebileceğini düşünüyorum. Bunu yaparak bilincin diğer tüm uzay zaman nesneleri gibi mereolojik (parça bütün ilişkisi bağlamında) bir özü olduğunu ileri süreceğim. Bu sebeple de demet teorisini ve Parfit’in çözümünü, Sider’ın Perry ve Prior’a karşı argümanlarından analojiyle reddedeceğim. Bu sayede argümanımı özdeşliğin analitik metafizik konumu lehine güçlendireceğim. (shrink)

This paper explores the political implications of the tension between tradition and dialogue in Hans-Georg Gadamer's philosophical hermeneu tics. The premise of the paper is this: Gadamer's account of human existence challenges two very influential modes of thinking within contemporary political philosophy, which are exemplified, arguably at their best, in Martin Heidegger's early thought and Jürgen Habermas's project of communicative action. In contemporary political philosophy the Enlightenment heritage has been interpreted in such a way that tradition has come to be (...) conceived as inevitably opposed to the ideals of Enlightenment, and that the extension of one as a major constitutive element in social and political affairs implies the retraction of the other. However, this paper attempts to conceive the problem of tradition in a more articulated context, suggesting that Gadamer's work offers a useful corrective both to Habermas's project and to the relativistic implications of Heidegger's early thought. By drawing on Gadamer's work, with particular emphasis upon his notion of the fusion of horizons, as well as on the work of thinkers such as Charles Taylor and Alasdair Maclntyre, this paper attempts to articulate a hermeneutical, dialogical interpretation of tradition, which suggests that Gadamer's thought acknowledges that living traditions are the site of ongoing debates, internal revisions, and critical turns, and that the notion of a closed horizon that is supposed to enclose a culture is an abstraction. In so doing it goes beyond the caricaturised account of tradition that is bandied about both in modernist thought and in the conservative outlook. (shrink)

This paper explores the political implications of the tension between tradition and dialogue in Hans-Georg Gadamer's philosophical hermeneu tics. The premise of the paper is this: Gadamer's account of human existence challenges two very influential modes of thinking within contemporary political philosophy, which are exemplified, arguably at their best, in Martin Heidegger's early thought and Jürgen Habermas's project of communicative action. In contemporary political philosophy the Enlightenment heritage has been interpreted in such a way that tradition has come to be (...) conceived as inevitably opposed to the ideals of Enlightenment, and that the extension of one as a major constitutive element in social and political affairs implies the retraction of the other. However, this paper attempts to conceive the problem of tradition in a more articulated context, suggesting that Gadamer's work offers a useful corrective both to Habermas's project and to the relativistic implications of Heidegger's early thought. By drawing on Gadamer's work, with particular emphasis upon his notion of the fusion of horizons, as well as on the work of thinkers such as Charles Taylor and Alasdair Maclntyre, this paper attempts to articulate a hermeneutical, dialogical interpretation of tradition, which suggests that Gadamer's thought acknowledges that living traditions are the site of ongoing debates, internal revisions, and critical turns, and that the notion of a closed horizon that is supposed to enclose a culture is an abstraction. In so doing it goes beyond the caricaturised account of tradition that is bandied about both in modernist thought and in the conservative outlook. (shrink)

The uneasy tension between ongoing disputes about Turkey's Europeanisation and an emphasis on cultural authenticity has characterised much of Turkish social and political thought over the last two centuries. This article explores conceptions of Europe, modernity and tradition contained in the writings of two twentieth-century Turkish writers, Ahmet Hamdi Tanpınar (1901–1962) and Peyami Safa (1899–1961) whose writings express an anxiety of cultural authenticity. Varieties of communitarian thinking, coupled with an emphasis on a ‘synthesis’ between past and future, tradition and modernity, (...) Turkey and Europe, had been invoked and advocated by many writers and scholars who sought to come to terms with the challenges surrounding Turkey's Europeanisation throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Tanpınar and Safa are widely considered to be among the most influential representatives of this deeply rooted communitarian tradition in modern Turkish social imaginary. By drawing on Tanpınar's and Safa's essays on politics, society, culture and the East–West distinction, this article demonstrates the radical divergences between their perspectives and draws out the political implications of their views of Europe, modernity and tradition. Although he appears to be one of the advocates of Turkey's Europeanisation and the idea of a civilisational synthesis, Safa's conservatism is based on a sketchy theory of radical particularity and cultural essentialism that reflects a repudiation of universalism and cosmopolitanism, and which shows a tendency bordering on a celebration of all collectivist self-assertions and struggles against liberal democracy. Tanpınar's communitarian vision, on the other hand, with its emphasis on ‘tradition’ and ‘continuity’, aims to reconcile the political ideals of European modernity with a restored cultural tradition. One of the primary purposes of this article is to fully work out the originality of Tanpınar's thought by highlighting the intimations of a distinctively hermeneutical dimension that figure prominently in his writings, and which have largely gone unnoticed. (shrink)

With the spread of Information and Communication Technologies tools and the Internet, Twenty first century technologies have significantly affected human life, and it has been desired to be obtained continuously. It has become challenging to protect information due to the increase in the methods by which malicious people can get information. As a result, it is crucial to determine people’s awareness levels by revealing the risks and threats to information security. In this context, a study was conducted to show the (...) awareness levels of teachers who come after the family in raising conscious individuals in society. For this purpose, a quantitative research method was adopted for the problem and sub-problems that form the basis of the research. The survey model, one of the research designs used within the framework of the quantitative research method, was used. Information Security Awareness Scale was applied to 394 teachers, and according to the results obtained, it was determined that the information security awareness level of the teachers was moderate. According to the attacks and threats sub-dimension, which includes technical issues, it has been determined that the awareness levels of the teachers are at a medium level. The study results show that female teachers’ information security awareness levels are lower than male teachers. In comparison, the awareness levels of those who received information security awareness training and information technology teachers are higher. (shrink)

The Islamist movement in Turkey bases its mobilization strategy on transforming everyday practices. Public challenges against the state do not form a central part of its repertoire. New Social Movement theory provides some tools for analyzing such an unconventional strategic choice. However, as Islamist mobilization also seeks to reshape the state in the long run, New Social Movement theory (with its focus on culture and society and its relative neglect of the state) needs to be complemented by more institutional analyses. (...) A hegemonic account of mobilization, which incorporates tools from theories of everyday life and identity-formation, as well as from state-centered approaches, is offered as a way to grasp the complexity of Islamism. (shrink)

We use a sequential voluntary contribution game to compare the relative impact of a first-mover’s non-binding announcement versus binding commitment on cooperation. We find that a non-binding announcement and a binding commitment increase individual contributions to a similar extent. Since announced contributions systematically exceed commitments, in sessions with a non-binding announcement, second-movers tend to contribute more to the group activity than in sessions with a binding commitment. Yet, second-movers appear to be more motivated towards achieving a social optimum when the (...) first-mover uses commitment. We also find that a non-binding announcement has a higher impact on individual propensity to cooperate than the ex post contribution of the first-mover. However, the failure to make announced contributions decreases cooperation even though the first-mover is reassigned in every period. (shrink)

Political parties do not merely reflect social divisions, they actively construct them. While this point has been alluded to in the literature, surprisingly little attempt has been made to systematically elaborate the relationship between parties and the social, which tend to be treated as separate domains contained by the disciplinary division of labor between political science and sociology. This article demonstrates the constructive role of parties in forging critical social blocs in three separate cases, India, Turkey, and the United States, (...) offering a critique of the dominant approach to party politics that tends to underplay the autonomous role of parties in explaining the preferences, social cleavages, or epochal socioeconomic transformations of a given community. Our thesis, drawing on the work of Gramsci, Althusser, and Laclau, is that parties perform crucial articulating functions in the creation and reproduction of social cleavages. Our comparative analysis of the Republican and Democratic parties in the United States, Islamic and secularist parties in Turkey, and the Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress parties in India will demonstrate how “political articulation” has naturalized class, ethnic, religious, and racial formations as a basis of social division and hegemony. Our conclusion is that the process of articulation must be brought to the center of political sociology, simultaneously encompassing the study of social movements and structural change, which have constituted the orienting poles of the discipline. (shrink)

Civilization, Modernity, and Critique provides the first comprehensive, cutting edge engagement with the work of one of the most foundational figures in civilizational analysis: Johann P. Arnason. In order to do justice to Arnason's seminal and wide-ranging contributions to sociology, social theory and history, it brings together distinguished scholars from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds and geographical contexts. Through a critical, interdisciplinary dialogue, it offers an enrichment and expansion of the methodological, theoretical, and applicative scope of civilizational analysis, by addressing (...) some of the most complex and pressing problems of contemporary global society. A unique and timely contribution to the ongoing task of advancing the project of a critical theory of society, this volume will appeal to scholars of sociology and social theory with interests in historical sociology, critical theory and civilizational analysis. (shrink)

Within the agenda of historical-materialist theory and practice Sociological Marxism has delivered a compelling perspective on how to explore and link the analysis of civil society, the state, and the economy within an explicit focus on class exploitation, emancipation, and rich ethnography. This article situates a major analysis of state formation, the rise of the Justice and Development Party, and the growth of a broader Islamist movement in Turkey within the main current of Sociological Marxism. It does so in order (...) to critically examine the rather bold revision of the theory of hegemony at the heart of Cihan Tuğal’sPassive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism, which posits the separate interaction of political society, civil society and the state in theorising hegemonic politics in Turkey. My contention is that the revision of hegemony that this analysis offers and its state-theoretical commitments are deeply problematic due to the reliance on what I term ‘ontological exteriority’, meaning the treatment of state, civil society and the economy as always-alreadyseparatespheres. The focus of the critique then moves toward highlighting a frustrating lack of direct engagement with Antonio Gramsci’s writings in this disquisition on hegemony and passive revolution, which has important political consequences. While praise for certain aspects of ethnographic and spatial analysis is raised, it is argued that any account of the reordering of hegemony and the restructuring of spatial-temporal contexts of capital accumulation through conditions of passive revolution also needs to draw from a more sophisticated state theory, a direct reading of Gramsci, and broader scalar analysis of spatial relations and uneven development under capitalism. (shrink)